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Designing the Constanta Corpus: from tape to print 1. First-generation corpora such the Brown Corpus in the s include one million words. Since then, corpora have continued to grow massively. Nowadays they can be measured in hundreds of millions of words.

While large corpora are essential when examining relatively infrequent words and the generality of its lexical use Coxheadsmaller corpora can also yield relevant results depending on the aims of the research.

Biberfor example, shows how samples as small as 1, words are large enough to provide reliable results when focusing on grammatical items such as pronouns or tense.

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Spoken corpora are usually smaller than written corpora due to various difficulties ranging from issues related to data collection to the time constraints of recording and transcribing super slim pret plafar naturally- occurring conversation McCarthy The Constanta Corpus explored in this book is a small 90, corpus, of which a section of approximately 33, words is transcribed in Chapter 2.

Comprising ten hours of both mixed and same-sex interactions, the Constanta Corpus is part of my research project concerned with exploring the speaking practices of Romanian women and men in both formal and informal settings. Such small scale studies allow us, instead, to investigate in much more depth linguistic variation in relation to such sociological variables as gender, age, social cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing, leading to well- grounded research questions and methodologies that can be used in subsequent large scale studies Hamilton When present, I took part naturally in the conversations and this minimized any disruption or influence.

Thirdly, there were volunteers to take charge of the recorder and record their own conversations. I have chosen to interview best friends because I hold the view that the closest we can come to getting natural speech in an interview situation is by interviewing groups of peer.

This type of interview is the context most conducive to obtaining cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing speech since the normal patterns of group interaction can direct attention away from the tape recorder Spolsky The transcription of the Constanta Corpus turned out to be a complicated and very time-consuming process.

This was partly due to the poor quality of some of the recordings and partly to features characteristic of adolescent talk. An additional problem that made the transcription process even more time-consuming was the lack of a team involved in transcribing and editing, the entire amount of work being done by just one researcher. One might argue that this kind of transcription makes conversation look more like written dialogue than spontaneous speech.

However, the fact that it does not hide such typical features of speech as ellipsis, repetition, new starts, and anaphora, and that it provides information in terms of pauses, intonational contours full stop for a fall, comma of a slight rise, question mark of questioning and exclamation mark for exclamatory utterances makes it acceptable for most research, unless it is aimed at phonology. This does not mean that the version resulting from stage 2 is perfect, but it is more accurate and it contains more words that the version in stage 1.

After the final check, the corpus had increased by nearly 20 per cent. Stage 3 In the third stage prosodic information was added applying the more detailed and narrower transcription conventions used in Conversation Analysis Ochs, Schegloff and Thompson The transcription conventions are given in Appendix 1. Thus, items such as turn placement, pitch, intonation and rhythm, overlapping talk, latching, vowel lengthening, false starts have been captured by CA transcribing convections since are important in terms of their communicative information Brazil ; Gumperz Once transcribed, the data were saved as text files which allowed them then to be manipulated by corpus software tools.

When informants agree to take part in a sociolinguistic interview, they are usually told that no one but the researchers will ever have access to their interview and they are guaranteed complete anonymity. Sociolinguists go to great lengths to ensure that this confidentiality is maintained. This is why sociolinguistic corpora are usually private.

Access is restricted depending on what the original ethics agreement stipulated. Practices vary across sociolinguists in terms of their ongoing relationship with the communities they study. Some researchers continue to do fieldwork in the same community for many years2. Moreover, family, friends, children, and spouses of sociolinguists are often among the informants too, and obviously — although this is rarely noted — so are the sociolinguists.

On completion of the audio recordings, the informants in the Constanta Corpus were required to provide some personal details: age, gender, birthplace, current area of residence, occupation and level of education. In order to maintain ethical research standards, all participants were informed of the process prior cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing the commencement of the recording.

Additionally, they were provided with an information leaflet which took the form of a written guarantee regarding issues of confidentiality anonymity of transcripts and confidentiality of any personal details concerning any of the speakers.

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Once the recordings were carried out, all participants were requested to complete speaker consent forms granting permission to use the data in the recording. Once permission had been received for all the recordings to be used, the data were transcribed.

Norwich Trudgill aBuckie e. Smith et al. In return for guarantees of anonymity and confidentiality, my informants trusted me with a wide range of fascinating material. The selection criteria were governed largely by my research interest in exploring and understanding gender-related linguistic variation in adolescent and adult talk. The adolescent informants matched the following age groups: early adolescence 10—14 and late adolescence 15— The informants who took part in the corpus were mainly friends, friends of friends, family or acquaintances due to their interest in assisting with the project as well as the high level of trust they had in the fact that their recordings would be anonymised and that I, as the researcher, would be the only person to hear the conversations.

The sample includes twenty-four informants3 twenty females and four maleswhose ages ranged from thirteen to sixty-four including ten cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing, eight in their twenties, two in their thirties, three in their forties, and one in her sixties. As the research focus of the study was cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing examine naturally- occurring discourse, I chose a corpus-based approach as it seemed to best suit the methodological aim of the study unlike other methods such as standardized tests, interviews, talk shows, etc.

The Constanta corpus consists of ten hours of spontaneously occurring conversations with friends recorded in settings chosen by participants themselves and spontaneous interaction in offices and various service encounters.

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Although the participants were not supposed to notice that they were being recorded, it is very obvious that they did more often 3 Gennerally, one should aim at a minimum of five informants for each social variable Hudson But this does not seem to have made them less spontaneous. Awareness of being recorded seems to have encouraged the male speakers in particular to be bolder than ever by telling dirty jokes or indulging in the use of taboo words.

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I am satisfied that the material represents natural conversation and that there was no undue awareness of the recorder. The tapes sound natural. Some of my informants reported that they soon began to ignore the tape recorder. Moreover, they were apologetic about the material calling it trivial and uninteresting, just the ordinary affaires of everyday life. On completion of the audio recordings, the informants supplied information regarding their age, gender, birthplace, current area of residence, occupation and level of education.

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The corpus consists roughly of four 15, word corpora of naturally-occurring conversation collected for both males and females which gives a total word count of approximately 90, words. As an illustration of the way the corpus was designed, Chapter 2 includes representative samples of each of the four sub-corpora, amounting to approximately 30, words. It is important to note that in the Constanta Corpus, the three factors which are of crucial importance in the compilation of corpora, as outlined by Tognini-Bonelli 54—63were adhered to.

They include: - the authenticity of the texts included in the corpus - the representativeness of language included in the corpus - the sampling criteria used in the selection of the texts Tognini-Bonelli 54—63 The Constanta Corpus reflects the authenticity factor in that all the material included in the corpus is taken from spontaneous genuine conversations of people going about their normal business Aarts ; Johansson ; Tognini-Bonellicasual conversation with peers and conversational talk in service encounters in cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing particular case.

The corpus is also representative of the language as the findings based on its contents can be generalized to a larger hypothetical corpus.

Various patterns and linguistic preferences identified within the Constanta Corpus are corroborated by the data 13 provided by CORV4 as a control sample. As far as social variables are concerned, the primary focus of the corpus was gender and age. Linguistic variation under scrutiny was related to three life stages: young adulthood, mid-adulthood. In order to ensure representativeness of the sample, one should aim at a minimum of five informants for each social variable Hudson In gathering empirical data, one can profit from the advantages of one method while overcoming the limitations of another, and have, therefore, attempted to collect data from a variety of sources using various techniques for gathering relevant data.

Thus apart from naturally occurring conversations originating in two different corpora, I have also made use of questionnaires to obtain statistically analyzable data on language attitudes Appendix 2discussions with informants, reports from works on sociology Hudson The recordings were transcribed using the transcription conventions employed in conversation analysis see Appendix 1 including thus sufficient detail for a fine-grained qualitative analysis Ochs, Schegloff and Thompson As a result, the Constanta Corpus can be used to make observations of a quantitative nature.

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Finally, following the ethnographic approach, I carefully wrote down occurrences of situations and patterns I found interesting wherever possible Wardhaugh Methodological and analytical tools of investigation The sociolinguistic examination of gender-related and age-related variation can benefit from new methodologies and analytical tools from the area of Corpus Linguistics CL as well as existing analytical frameworks from pragmatics i.

Regarding the qualitative analysis cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing the empirical data, I propose a theoretical framework which blends pragmatics and micro-sociolinguistics in a method which allows for a reliable identification of gender-markers, as manifest in the choice of preferred conversational strategies. A selection of this corpus has been published in Ionescu-Ruxandoiu The emphasis is thus on specific events that occur during conversation and on how participants orient themselves towards what is going on during the interaction Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson A substantial proportion of the research and concerns of sociolinguists and pragmaticians falls into the domain for which CA resources are well-suited.

Whether the area of interest is the properties of language use in cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing settings and domains, the ways in which social identity is constructed through language use, or the action accomplished in uttering a statement, much what makes up the substance of these areas of linguistic inquiry is found in the real world of talk in interaction.

Thus interactional sociolinguistics and pragmatics can potentially benefit from the resources and tools of conversation analysis. In what follows we will briefly describe some of the main areas of conversation analytic work and then suggest areas of potential intersection with interactional sociolinguistics and pragmatics.

The main point of conversational structure is to keep the flow of conversation going, by avoiding clashes when two or more people are speaking at the same timeor instances when participants feel trapped in sterile verbal exercise, or by helping along a conversation that has halted or has trouble in maintaining its proper speed.

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As far as conversational structure is concerned, Sacks mentions the following features: - in a single conversation people talk one at a time, - speaker change recurs, i. The mechanism responsible has been shown to be capable of operating in quite different circumstances: - the number of parties engaged in conversation may vary from 2 to 10 or even more- turn size also varies from minimal utterances to many minutes of continuous talk, - if there are more than 2 parties then provision is made for all parties to speak without there being any specified order or queue, - length of conversation is not specified in advance - talk can be continuous or discontinuous - transitions from one turn to the next turn with no gap and no overlap are not uncommon - occurrences of more than one speaker talking at a time, although possible, are brief - the same system is equally functional both in face-to- face interaction and in the absence of visual monitoring, as on the telephone, - the same system holds across various types of conversations small talk, conflict talk, business talk, etc.

This set of rules provides for the allocation of a next turn to one party and coordinate transfer so as to minimize gap and overlap. The rules are locally managed in that they apply to all possible points when speaker change may occur. Such locations where these rules may apply are called transition-relevance places TRP. These places reflect the existence of various unit types through which a speaker may construct a turn. These turn constructional units TCU are determined by features of linguistic surface structure, hence their syntactic nature they can be phrases, clauses or sentences.

The end of such a cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing constitutes a point at which speakers may change, that is a transition-relevance place TRP. One organizational and possibly even a grammatical fact about turns is that they can comprise more than one TCU. One relevant aspect of the possibility of multi-turns is that some TCUs can be designed for their position in the turn. For instance, a first unit in its turn can be built and delivered in a way which projects additional ones to follow.

The number of TCUs that make up a turn can vary according to the position of the turn. Second position turns in a sequence may be more expansible than first position turns. For example, many turns following questions appear to provide for multi-unit answers. Similarly, some practices such as story preface work not to get an additional TCU in the turn, but to neutralize the transition-relevance place of the possible completion of TCU until some projected feature is delivered, e.

This is the key feature of the production of many discourse units in conversation such as narratives or other types of extended units of talk Schegloff One resource is the turn-constructional resource, composed of a set of types of units of talk — the TCUs mentioned above.

The second resource is the turn-allocational resource comprising turn- allocational practices ordered as follows: the self-selecting practices are invocable only when the other-selecting ones have not been employed.

In addition the following set of rules governs the transition of speakers so as to minimize gap and overlap and they apply at a TRP: RULE 1 — applies initially at the first TRP of any turn: a. If current speaker selects next speaker in current turn, then current speaker must stop speaking and next speaker must speak next, transition occurring at the first TRP after next- speaker selection.

If current speaker does not select next cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing, then any other party may self-select, first speaker gains rights to the next turn. If current speaker has not selected next speaker, and no other party self-selects under option bthen current speaker may but need not continue i. When rule 1 c has been applied by current speaker, then at the next TRP rules 1 a - c apply recursively until speaker change is effected. Next-speaker selecting techniques may include such obvious cases as an addressed question that selects its addressee to speak next, or when a party starts to speak when not selected, i.

Among the most commonly used turn-allocational techniques we can mention the following: a.

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An important general technique, and perhaps the central one, whereby current speaker selects next involves the addition of an address term, or some other device for achieving addressing such as 18 the direction of gazeto the first part of an adjacency pair.

However, addressing a party will not necessarily in itself, select him as a speaker. Thus A addressing a question to B, selects him as next speaker; but when B speaks next and addresses an answer to A which constitutes the second part of the same adjacency pairA is not necessarily selected as next speaker in the next turn Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson Appendor clauses are routinely treated as producing a question that is attached to the previous sentence and that the person who started the sentence should answer and routinely such a person does answer.

Prepositional phrases with or without a question intonation are frequently used as appendor clauses at the end of an otherwise complete sentence: A: …. Rule 1b explicitly stipulates that the speaker who starts first gets the right to the next turn. Consequently, appositional beginnings such as well, but, and, so, etc. Given their function, they have been termed turn-entry devices cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing pre-starts, just as tag 19 questions are turn-exit devices or post-completers Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson These practices of turn-taking not only organize distribution of opportunities to talk among speakers taking part in the speech exchange, but they also constrain the size of turns, by making the possible completion of a turn transition-relevant.

As pointed out by Schegloff et al. So far we have addressed the way in which the local management system controls turn-taking in ordinary conversation, the role it assumes in constructing simple cum să pierzi grăsimea bingo wing multi-unit turns.

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This has been done in order to highlight the areas of potential intersection with voi pierde în greutate după clapeta diep sociolinguistics and more specifically with language and gender research.

Of the ways turn-taking and turn organization should matter to the gender-related conversational styles described by interactional sociolinguists we will mention only one.

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The unmarked value of the transition space is one beat of silence; in other words, at a possible transition-relevance place a next speaker ordinarily allows one beat of silence to cum poate adolescentul meu să piardă în greutate before starting a next turn Jefferson Departures from this value are potentially marked. Longer silences at the transition space can be taken as incipient rejection of, or disalignment cel mai bun domeniu de repaus pentru pierderea în greutate what preceded it Pomerantz ; Sacks ; Schegloff a, Conversely, shorter silences or their absences i.

In consistently using such departures from the unmarked value participants can be shown as being oriented towards a competitive conversational style or a cooperative conversational one based on micro strategies that are accelerators of social relationships, styles which are said to be favoured by one gender group or the other.